Earl Spencer’s Swan Song: The Aristocrat as Historian of His Own Class

Swan Song is a memoir that presents a moral story of truth versus power through a feud within Britain’s aristocracy. Charles Spencer, the 9th Earl Spencer, has dedicated twenty years to shaping his image as a “popular historian.” His books on subjects such as Blenheim, Prince Rupert, the regicides of Charles I, and the White Ship disaster are marketed as accessible history. However, they primarily function as aristocratic self-promotions, portraying history as a form of class autobiography. His newest book, Swan Song: Diana, My Sister, published by Michael Joseph on September 22, represents the culmination of this approach. Released to mark the 30th anniversary of Diana’s death and translated into twelve languages, it seeks not only to honour his sister’s memory but also to reinforce the Spencer family’s place in the national myth.

The media have focused on the book’s assertions about the House of Windsor. Spencer claims that Prince Charles, before the wedding, admitted he did not love Diana; that she tried to cancel the engagement after finding a bracelet meant for Camilla; and that Charles appeared “giddily elated” after Diana’s death. He recalls a phone call where Charles allegedly said the family would “soon forget her” when Spencer protested William and Harry walking behind the coffin. Buckingham Palace’s response was formal: it does not comment on books, but the King said he understood how grief could affect reason and memory. These are the subtle hostilities among Britain’s elite, an aristocratic tone expressing disdain for one’s own kind.

The truth of these phone calls isn’t the main focus; instead, the emphasis is on the approach. Spencer presents a view of history where the Spencer family, especially Diana, embody progress, humanity, and truth. They are contrasted with the Windsors, “the Establishment,” and “a barbaric press.” This is more a morality play than a historical account. The memoir is based on the idea that private conflicts within Britain’s hereditary elite form the core of national history, with society shown only as tear-stained crowds supporting a feud among the ruling class.

This approach is intentional, rooted in a tradition of aristocratic historiography. Herbert Butterfield, in 1931, identified the “Whig interpretation of history” as a method that evaluates the past using present standards, portraying history as a progression toward enlightened liberty. It highlights heroes who advanced the nation and villains who opposed it, often flattering victors while hiding the social forces that shaped events. The term ‘Spencer’ is nearly literal here; the Spencers of Althorp were prominent Whig families of the 18th and 19th centuries. John Charles Spencer, Viscount Althorp, helped pass the 1832 Great Reform Act, extending suffrage to connect the industrial bourgeoisie with the landed aristocracy while excluding the working class that pushed for reform. Whiggism typically involved reform from above by enlightened elites, avoiding any fundamental change.

Swan Song situates Diana within that traditional narrative. As the publisher states, Spencer depicts her as an advocate for the marginalised, loyal to her sons, and isolated as her marriage shattered under media pressure. She is portrayed as a progressive force within a rigid institution, an aristocrat who brought humanity to the Crown. This myth gained traction in the week following her death in 1997. Tony Blair’s New Labour government embraced it wholeheartedly. Blair’s term “the People’s Princess” served a strategic political purpose: it redirected public discontent from the Thatcher-Major era into sentimental attachment to a royal figure, helping the monarchy recover after losing public trust. However, New Labour then intensified social inequalities that had fuelled that dissatisfaction.

Spencer does not challenge this myth; instead, he aims to be acknowledged as its proper guardian. He says he writes to preserve his personal memories rather than spread “untruths” repeated over time, and to represent his sister positively, as he did in his 1997 eulogy. The Whig aristocrat once more takes on the role of the nation’s moral guide.

The memoir reads like a family saga: nannies, boarding schools, divorces, a bracelet, and a phone call. Spencer even suggests that his father had a romantic link with young Princess Elizabeth, supposedly cut short by Lord Mountbatten. The entrenched bloodlines of Britain’s hereditary elite are presented as history’s natural focus. Spencer does not question the purpose of the monarchy, which stands at the top of an unelected state structure, a holder of reserve powers, and a symbol of social hierarchy, all funded by the public. He also overlooks what the aristocracy signifies in a nation where millions depend on food banks, yet estates like Althorp stay within a single family by birthright. For a Whig historian, these are not questions; the only concern is which aristocrats acted decently.

The same perspective shapes Spencer’s critique of the press. The tabloid chase after Diana was intense and degrading. However, the Murdoch and Mirror media outlets were not outsiders opposing the aristocracy; instead, they were key parts of the ruling class, benefiting from and supporting the monarchy as a commercial show. Spencer’s claim that Piers Morgan was behind the covert gym photos of Diana quickly fell apart. Morgan proved that the Sunday Mirror published these photos in 1993, nearly two years before Morgan took over the Daily Mirror. Spencer apologised, and Penguin promised to update future editions. Despite this, Morgan is still pursuing legal action, seeking damages from the King’s Trust. A fitting ending: a former tabloid editor suing an earl, with the money going to a royal charity.

The response to Swan Song has been predictable. Royalist media support the King, while liberal outlets criticise the book as indulgent and vindictive. Both sides accept that the personal grievances of the Spencers and Windsors are of national concern. For ordinary people, however, the message differs: Spencer’s Whig history argues for reforming aristocratic behaviour. The goal isn’t to choose between the House of Spencer and the House of Windsor, but to eliminate the social structure that keeps both in power.

A Whig in More Than One Sense

Herbert Butterfield’s 1931 critique of the “Whig interpretation of history” pointed out a method that evaluates the past using present-day standards, portraying history as a progression toward enlightened liberty. Its heroes are those who allegedly advanced the nation, while villains are those who opposed them. This approach favours victors and hides the social forces that actually influenced events. With Spencer, the name is almost literal. The Spencers of Althorp belonged to the prominent Whig families of the 18th and 19th centuries. John Charles Spencer, Viscount Althorp, played a key role in passing the Great Reform Act of 1832, a law that expanded the vote just enough to connect the industrial bourgeoisie with the landowning aristocracy, while excluding the working class that demanded reform. Whiggism consistently favoured reform from above, carried out by enlightened elites, resulting in little real change.

Swan Song positions Diana within a traditional framework. The publisher states that Spencer depicts her as a champion of the marginalised, committed to her sons, and desperately lonely as her marriage unravelled under media pressure. She emerges as a modernising influence within the stubborn aristocratic institution, the noble who humanised the Crown. This narrative emerged in the week after she died in 1997. Tony Blair’s New Labour embraced it wholeheartedly. Blair’s term “the People’s Princess” served a strategic political purpose: it redirected public dissatisfaction from the Thatcher-Major era into sentimental sympathy for a royal family member, helping the monarchy recover from disrepute. Subsequently, New Labour further entrenched the social inequalities that fuelled that discontent.

Spencer doesn’t challenge this myth; instead, he seeks recognition as its legitimate guardian. He states that his writing is intended to preserve his personal memories rather than to perpetuate “untruths” that persist through time, and to represent his sister in the “openly positive way” he did during his 1997 eulogy. Once more, the Whig aristocrat adopts the role of the nation’s moral authority.

History Without Classes

As previously mentioned, the book’s historical narrative revolves around a family saga. These stories are more than details; they form the heart of Spencer’s view of history. He emphasises the rival bloodlines within Britain’s aristocratic elite, viewing private family conflicts as the main factor shaping the nation’s progress. The wider society is depicted merely as tearful crowds at Westminster Abbey, acting as emotional backing for the internal conflicts among the ruling class.

His book examines history without social context. Spencer does not inquire about the purpose of the monarchy. It isn’t merely scenic background for aristocratic feelings; it represents the top of an unelected government structure, holding reserve powers and symbolising social hierarchy, all funded heavily by the public. The Crown remains vital to the constitutional framework: the armed forces pledge allegiance, governments derive authority from it, and its powers can be used in emergencies. However, in Swan Song, the monarchy is depicted as a dysfunctional family whose emotional flaws explain its public function. Spencer’s account simplifies a centuries-old class institution into a melodramatic tale of emotional woundedness.

He also overlooks what the aristocracy truly symbolises in a nation where millions depend on food banks, child poverty is on the rise, and estates like Althorp are owned by a single family by birthright. The Spencer estate isn’t just a scenic setting for televised funerals; it exemplifies Britain’s persistent system of hereditary wealth, landownership, and privilege. The aristocracy still owns large areas of land, protected by trusts, tax breaks, and political influence. However, for Spencer, the only relevant question is which aristocrats behaved decently. He ignores the underlying role of his own class- their historical function, economic power, and political influence. This reflects a form of Whig history: reform from the top, virtue shown by enlightened elites, and the belief that the ruling class naturally leads national progress.

Spencer’s critique of the press is rooted in the same perspective. The tabloids’ obsession with Diana was intense, degrading, and often harsh. However, the Murdoch and Mirror outlets were not outsiders attacking the aristocracy; they were part of the same ruling elite. These tabloids gained financially from the monarchy as a public spectacle, turning royal lives into commodities that boosted sales and advertising income. Their relationship with the Crown was mutually beneficial: they heightened the monarchy’s mystique, sensationalised its crises, and helped sustain its cultural importance. Spencer’s depiction of the press as a barbaric external enemy hides this truth. It’s a convenient narrative that portrays Diana and, by extension, the Spencer family as victims of a predatory media, rather than acknowledging their role in a system of elite power that reinforces itself.

His assertion that Piers Morgan was responsible for publishing secret gym photos of Diana fell apart within days. Morgan showed that the Sunday Mirror published the images in 1993, nearly two years before he was editor of the Daily Mirror. Spencer apologised; Penguin promised to update later editions. However, Morgan continues to pursue legal action and seeks damages from the King’s Trust. The situation paints a near-perfect picture: a former tabloid editor suing an earl, with the proceeds going to a royal charity. It offers a small-scale view of Britain’s elite: a loop of aristocrats, media magnates, and royal institutions, each defending their interests while publicly claiming to uphold truth, decency, or history.

In Swan Song, Spencer focuses not on history itself but on urging moral judgment among the elite. His story prompts readers to pick sides between the House of Spencer and the House of Windsor, emphasising a choice between different aristocratic lineages. It presumes that the private conflicts of hereditary families matter nationally, treating the emotional lives of the ruling class as valid subjects of historical study. Moreover, it encourages the public to rally behind one elite faction over another, as if the country’s future hinges on which aristocrats show greater kindness. However, for working people, the message differs: simply attributing human qualities to the monarchy won’t make it more humane, nor will better manners redeem the aristocracy. Spencer’s Whig history acts as a sentimental defence of a social order that remains inherently unequal. The real goal is not to pick between competing aristocratic houses but to abolish the system that upholds them both.

A Feud Within the Elite

The reception of Swan Song has been predictably divided. The royalist media supports the King, viewing Spencer’s memoir as an unwelcome interruption to the monarchy’s carefully controlled emotional narrative. Their reviews often sound paternalistic: they see Spencer as a grieving brother misled by sentiment, while the King is praised for his stoic restraint. The underlying message is that the monarchy must stay above conflict, safeguard its dignity, and hide internal disputes from public view. Even challenges from within the aristocracy are seen as threats to the institution’s stability.

The liberal press has adopted the opposite stance, yet they reach the same conclusion. The Guardian called the book a heated exercise in settling scores, while the Telegraph labelled it a tribute to Spencer’s ego. These critiques are accurate but superficial, focusing on Spencer’s personality rather than the social role of his narrative. They see the memoir as a matter of taste, decorum, or emotional control failure, not as a political statement. Both sides accept the core premise: that the private issues of the Spencers and Windsors are nationally significant, that Britain’s aristocratic emotional lives warrant public scrutiny, and that the political landscape should remain centred on a ruling class whose authority is neither elected nor accountable.

This consensus itself reveals a lot. It shows how the monarchy remains the ideological core of British national identity, despite increasing social upheaval. The media’s focus on Spencer’s memoir, whether sympathetic or critical, strengthens the notion that the nation’s future depends on the actions, morals, and internal struggles of aristocratic families. This acts as a kind of political deflection. Meanwhile, the underlying realities of class hierarchy, inequality, and state power are hidden behind a narrative that turns history into a series of personal conflicts among the elite.

For working people, the lesson differs. Thirty years after Diana’s death, the cult surrounding her continues to serve the same purpose as in 1997. It depicts the monarchy as capable of becoming kinder, more modern, and more “of the people,” as long as the right personalities are in power. Diana symbolises a reformed aristocracy: compassionate, emotionally open, and sensitive to suffering, in contrast to the allegedly cold and detached Windsors. This myth was politically advantageous for New Labour, which used it to redirect popular discontent into sentimental support for the royal family. Today, it remains relevant by offering a vision of moral renewal within an institution inherently resistant to change.

Spencer’s memoir aims to revive and reaffirm that myth. His Whig history advocates a better-behaved aristocracy that maintains its privileges while adopting a more compassionate public stance. It envisions a national life in which the ruling class continues to govern, but with greater sensitivity and emotional intelligence. The political purpose of this narrative is clear: it intends to uphold the monarchy and aristocracy by portraying them as capable of self-improvement from within. The message implies that the issue lies not with the institutions themselves, but with the individuals who currently fill them.

This familiar strategy has recurred throughout British history, where the ruling class tends to respond to legitimacy crises with moral rather than structural reforms. The 1832 Great Reform Act, driven by Spencer’s ancestor, expanded voting rights just enough to align the industrial bourgeoisie with the landed aristocracy while still excluding the working class. It represented reform from above, aimed at maintaining the existing social order. Likewise, Spencer’s memoir continues this tradition by advocating emotional reforms such as a kinder monarchy and a more empathetic aristocracy as alternatives to genuine political change.

The challenge for the working class is not to choose between the House of Spencer and the House of Windsor, nor to rely on either’s moral reform. The monarchy represents the peak of a social system founded on inequality, respect, and inherited privileges. It is not merely a collection of colourful figures; it embodies a class whose wealth and power stem from centuries of landownership, exploitation, and political control. Media focus on their personal issues distracts from Britain’s real social problems, where millions face rising costs, failing public services, and growing insecurity.

Abolishing the monarchy and aristocracy isn’t simply a matter of cultural preference or republican loyalty. It’s an essential move to dismantle a social system that centralises power in unelected bodies, hides wealth through hereditary privilege, and uses national myths to mask class divisions. Spencer’s memoir, despite its emotional appeal, advocates for maintaining this social order. It encourages the public to sympathise with one faction of the elite over another, to believe in the moral integrity of aristocrats, and to accept the monarchy as an enduring part of national identity.

Academic‑Style Articles, Reviews & Critical Sources

1. Media and Cultural Analyses of Swan Song

These sources offer critical commentary on Spencer’s memoir, its claims, and its reception, helping situa the book within contemporary debates about monarchy, memory, and elite self‑representation.

  • LBC – “All the claims from Charles Spencer’s Diana book, Swan Song” A detailed summary of Spencer’s allegations, including the claim that Charles was “giddily elated” after Diana’s death and the dispute over funeral arrangements.
  • Yahoo News UK – “Swan Song by Charles Spencer review: Revenge dish is even better aged 30 years” A critical review highlighting the book’s “plum pudding of revelations,” its score‑settling tone, and Spencer’s recounting of aristocratic anecdotes such as his father’s alleged romance with Princess Elizabeth.
  • The Telegraph – “Charles Spencer’s book isn’t about Diana. It’s a monument to his ego” A strongly negative review arguing that the memoir is primarily self‑aggrandising, with extensive discussion of Spencer’s attacks on King Charles and the book’s broader tone.
  • HELLO! – “Charles Spencer apologises to Piers Morgan over inaccuracy in Princess Diana memoir” Documents Spencer’s apology to Piers Morgan and outlines the legal dispute over claims regarding covert photographs of Diana. Useful for analysing the book’s factual reliability and the politics of royal journalism.
  • Yahoo News UK – “Unpacking the Drama Between King Charles and Princess Diana’s Brother Over ‘Swan Song’” Provides context for Spencer’s long‑standing conflict with King Charles and situates the memoir within the broader history of Diana’s marriage, media treatment, and posthumous mythmaking.
  • Taylor Tailored – “Swan Song By Charles Spencer Explained: Diana, King Charles And The Legal Fallout” A long-form interpretive essay examining Spencer’s stated motivations, the tension between memory and verifiable history, and the book’s position within the politics of royal narrative control.
  • UnHerd – “Aposhcalypse Now: Charles Spencer has forgotten what duty means” A cultural‑political critique situating Spencer within the decadence of Britain’s ruling class and interrogating his invocation of “duty” as a historical and moral category.

📖 Scholarly Context: Historiography, Memory, and Elite Narrative

While not directly about Spencer, the following academic source is relevant for framing his memoir within broader debates about narrative construction, meaning, and the tension between personal memory and historical method:

  • Robert Champigny, “The ‘Swan’ and the Question of Pure Poetry,” L’Esprit Créateur. Although focused on poetic semantics, Champigny’s analysis of how meaning is constructed through tension between prosaic context and aesthetic form provides a useful theoretical lens for understanding Spencer’s memoir as a literary artefact shaped by selective memory and emotional narrative.

📚 Annotated Bibliography (Academic Format)

Primary Source

Spencer, Charles. Swan Song: Diana, My Sister. Penguin Michael Joseph / Penguin Press, 2026. Spencer’s tenth book and first full-length memoir about his relationship with Diana. The text blends personal recollection with political grievance, offering a subjective account of Diana’s life, death, and treatment by the monarchy and press. The book’s reliance on unverifiable private conversations has generated controversy and legal challenges.

Secondary Sources: Reviews & Commentary

Mata, William. “All the claims from Charles Spencer’s Diana book, Swan Song.” LBC, 21 Sept. 2026. Summarises Spencer’s major allegations and the Palace’s response, framing the memoir as a catalyst for renewed royal controversy.

McDonagh, Melanie. “Swan Song by Charles Spencer review: Revenge dish is even better aged 30 years.” Yahoo News UK, 22 Sept. 2026. A critical review emphasising the memoir’s score‑settling tone and its reliance on aristocratic anecdote.

Singh, Anita. “Charles Spencer’s book isn’t about Diana. It’s a monument to his ego.” The Telegraph, 21 Sept. 2026. Argues that Spencer’s memoir is primarily self‑serving, with extensive criticism of its portrayal of King Charles.

Dye, Eleanor. “Charles Spencer apologises to Piers Morgan over inaccuracy in Princess Diana memoir.” HELLO!, 22 Sept. 2026. Documents the factual dispute between Spencer and Morgan, highlighting issues of credibility and historical accuracy.

Bujnosek, Bailey. “Unpacking the Drama Between King Charles and Princess Diana’s Brother Over ‘Swan Song’.” Yahoo News UK, 18 Sept. 2026. Provides historical context for Spencer’s grievances and the Palace’s rare public response.

Taylor Tailored Editorial Team. “Swan Song By Charles Spencer Explained: Diana, King Charles And The Legal Fallout.” A long-form interpretive analysis of Spencer’s motivations, the memoir’s evidentiary limits, and its political implications.

Harrington, Mary. “Aposhcalypse Now.” UnHerd. A cultural critique situating Spencer within the decadence of Britain’s post‑imperial aristocracy and interrogating his invocation of “duty.”

Theoretical / Historiographical Context

Champigny, Robert. “The ‘Swan’ and the Question of Pure Poetry.” L’Esprit Créateur, Vol. I, No. 3. Explores the tension between prosaic meaning and aesthetic form, a useful theoretical analogue for analysing Spencer’s memoir as a selective, emotionally charged narrative rather than a historical reconstruction.

Gordon S. Wood and the Fate of Historical Consciousness in the Epoch of Decline

I. Introduction: A Historian at the Threshold of a Vanishing World

The death of Gordon S. Wood in June 2026, barely noticed in public life, occurred just before the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. The obituary carried by the World Socialist Web Site viewed this not merely as the loss of a scholar but as an indicator of a deeper cultural and political crisis. The obituary’s opening remark—“It speaks to the degradation of democratic consciousness, intellectual life and culture in the United States that Wood’s death… has gone largely unnoticed”—is more than a rhetorical flourish; it serves as a diagnosis.

Wood’s life and work illustrate the trajectory of American academic culture from its postwar peak through its later decline into postmodernism, identity politics, and the commercialisation of historical memory. His career offers a perspective on the future of historical objectivity, the Enlightenment tradition, and the possibility of viewing the American Revolution as a global historical event.

This brief article presents Wood’s historiographical legacy not as a mere antiquarian study but as a final, contested safeguard of the Enlightenment’s universalist ideals against the destructive influences of contemporary cynicism and racialist mystification.

II. The Formation of a Historian: Bailyn, the Archive, and the World of Ideas

Wood’s intellectual growth at Harvard under Bernard Bailyn in the 1960s positioned him as a leader in a major historiographical shift. Bailyn’s 1967 book, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution, argued that the Revolution was more than an elite power move; it represented a profound ideological transformation. Building on this, Wood’s 1968 *Creation of the American Republic* delved deeper into the changing ideas of sovereignty, representation, and constitutionalism. The obituary highlights Wood’s remarkable archival mastery: “He seemed to carry the entire world of eighteenth-century America in his head… the pamphlets, the newspapers, the sermons, the diaries, the account books.”[1]

This encyclopaedic mastery was not just antiquarianism; it laid the groundwork for a methodological belief: understanding the past on its own terms, using its own categories, without being distorted by modern moralism or identity-based reductionism. Wood’s statement—“The past cannot see the future”—encapsulates this approach. It opposes the teleological arrogance of today’s culture, which judges historical figures by standards they could not have known and criticises them for failing to anticipate twenty-first-century sensibilities.

III. Against Anachronism: Wood’s Defence of Historical Objectivity

Wood’s opposition to anachronism was rooted both methodologically and philosophically. He held that history should focus on reconstructing past consciousness, rather than projecting current identities onto the past. The obituary reflects this view: “Such an approach… flattered the present at the expense of the past… and made true historical understanding impossible.”

This constitutes the core of Wood’s historiographical contribution. In a time when history is frequently viewed through a moral lens, Wood highlighted the importance of viewing the past independently. He opposed reducing the Revolution to a conspiracy by white male elites, a view common among identity-centric historians. He rejected the postmodern claim that the Revolution was just a ‘non-event,’ and also opposed racist assertions that a historian’s skin colour affects their historical interpretation. In this way, Wood’s work defends the Enlightenment principles: that reason, evidence, and universal human traits—rather than race, identity, or power—underpin historical understanding.

IV. The Radicalism of the American Revolution: Wood’s Masterwork

Wood’s The Radicalism of the American Revolution (1992) stands as the highlight of his body of work. It contends that the Revolution was more than a political separation from Britain; it was a social upheaval that dismantled the vestiges of monarchical society and ushered in a new era of republican equality.

The obituary encapsulates this thesis: “What was at stake was the erosion and eventual collapse of a monarchical society.” Wood’s dialectical argument states that the Revolution dismantled the hierarchical, deferential, patronage-centred world of the eighteenth century, replacing it with a society of autonomous citizens. Nonetheless, this change was accompanied by contradictions. The rise of a “middling type” of democratic politician—characterised as energetic, ambitious, and vulgar—supplanted the Founders’ vision of disinterested republican leadership.

Wood’s tragic sensibility shows in his view of Jefferson: “He always sensed that his ‘empire of liberty’ had a cancer at its core…” This cancer was slavery, the contradiction that would eventually cause the Civil War. Wood’s awareness of this tragedy challenges the notion that he was indifferent to oppression. Instead, he saw slavery as the unresolved tension within the Revolution, not its core.

V. Wood and the WSWS: A Convergence of Principles

The obituary clarifies that Wood was not a Marxist. However, the WSWS saw him as a kindred spirit. Their connection wasn’t based on ideology but shared values: a dedication to objectivity, universalism, and the revolutionary importance of 1776. Wood acknowledged this bond, and in 2021, he told the WSWS, “You seem to be the only historian who understands what I was saying in my Radicalism book.”

This is a significant admission, showing Wood’s recognition that the academic world had moved away from the Enlightenment principles he upheld. Meanwhile, the WSWS viewed Wood as a protector of historical accuracy in opposition to the racialist distortions spread by the 1619 Project.

VI. The 1619 Project and the Crisis of Historical Consciousness

The obituary highlights Wood’s involvement in opposing the New York Times’ 1619 Project, which is key to understanding his significance later in his career. The WSWS describes how Wood, McPherson, Oakes, and Bynum were criticised as “white historians” whose race allegedly prevented them from interpreting American history. The obituary includes the racialist reasoning: Hannah-Jones accused these scholars of being “white historians who could never understand American history…”, emphasising the racial bias used against them.

This runs counter to Wood’s entire intellectual effort. It shifts from universalism to racial essentialism, from evidence to identity, and from historical analysis to moralised tribalism. His collaboration with the WSWS—through interviews, webinars, and public letters—demonstrated intellectual bravery. Even later in life, he defended the Revolution’s global importance against efforts to portray it as merely a conspiracy to sustain slavery.

VII. Wood as the Last Representative of a Vanishing Tradition

The obituary’s closing judgment is comprehensive: “He belonged to a generation of historians who believed that the past could be understood objectively, that ideas mattered, and that significant revolutions changed the trajectory of human history.” Wood’s passing marks the conclusion of an era, representing the last prominent figure from a tradition tracing back to the Enlightenment and earlier twentieth-century historians like Trevelyan, Namier, Bailyn, and Hill, who held that history is a rational investigation into the human past. In today’s intellectual climate—marked by cynicism, identity politics, and postmodern relativism—Wood’s work serves as a counterpoint, emphasising that the American Revolution was a pivotal event in the development of democracy rather than a racial plot or a bourgeois myth.

VIII. Conclusion: Wood’s Legacy and the Future of Historical Understanding

The obituary ends with a prediction: “It will be read long after the racialist falsifications and postmodernist evasions… have been discredited.” This is more than just a tribute; it’s a declaration of faith in history. The Enlightenment tradition that Wood championed is not dead. Although under attack, it persists wherever scholars, workers, and students strive to understand and consciously change the world.

Wood’s legacy extends beyond academia, belonging to the future and especially to the working class, whose fight for emancipation depends on a clear grasp of the revolutionary past. It also belongs to all who oppose the degradation of historical awareness and believe in the possibility of truth.


[1] A tribute to Gordon S. Wood (1933-2026), historian of the American Revolution-Tom Mackaman and David North 9 June 2026-www.wsws.org/en/articles/2026/06/10/nbsd-j10.pdf

Spinoza, Atheist Steven Nadler-Princeton University Press 2026-£25

Spinoza, Atheist: Materialism, Consciousness, and the Marxist Lineage

Baruch de Spinoza (1632–1677) stands as one of the most radical and consequential thinkers in the history of philosophy. His work helped detonate the ideological foundations of the seventeenth‑century world and laid the groundwork for the Enlightenment, the democratic revolutions, and ultimately the materialist conception of history developed by Marx and Engels. Steven Nadler’s scholarship — especially his insistence that Spinoza was, in every meaningful sense, an atheist — has revived interest in this extraordinary figure. Yet Nadler’s work also reveals the limits of academic philosophy, which often isolates Spinoza from the historical and social forces that shaped him and from the revolutionary tradition that later drew upon his ideas.

Spinoza’s thought was dangerous in his own time, and it remains dangerous today. As the World Socialist Web Site has noted, his ideas are “dangerous to the financial aristocracy of the twenty‑first century” because they undermine every ideological justification for hierarchy, privilege, and religious authority.¹ To understand why, we must examine Spinoza’s life, his philosophical system, his political commitments, and his place in the lineage of materialist thought culminating in Marxism.

A Life of Intellectual Defiance

Spinoza was born into Amsterdam’s Portuguese‑Jewish community, a group of former conversos who had fled the Inquisition. Educated in Jewish tradition, he quickly distinguished himself as a formidable thinker. But at the age of twenty‑three, he was excommunicated with unprecedented severity. The cherem condemned him for “abominable heresies” and “monstrous deeds,” though it did not specify them a sign of the community’s fear of his ideas.²

After his expulsion, Spinoza lived modestly, supporting himself by grinding optical lenses. He corresponded with leading scientists and philosophers across Europe, including Henry Oldenburg, secretary of the Royal Society. His works circulated clandestinely, often in manuscript, because they were banned across Catholic and Protestant Europe. His Theological‑Political Treatise (1670) was published anonymously and immediately condemned as “a book forged in hell.”

Steven Nadler’s Spinoza: A Life reconstructs this world with remarkable archival detail.³ It shows Spinoza as a man of personal integrity, political sympathy for the republican cause of Jan de Witt, and unwavering commitment to intellectual freedom. When de Witt was murdered by an Orangist mob in 1672, Spinoza reportedly attempted to post a sign denouncing the killing as “barbaric,” only to be restrained by his landlord for fear of reprisals.

Spinoza died in 1677 at the age of forty‑four, likely from lung disease caused by inhaling glass dust. His friends published his Ethics posthumously, along with his correspondence and unfinished works. The Ethics would become one of the most influential — and feared — books in European intellectual history.

The Philosophical Break: Monism Against Dualism

Spinoza’s philosophical revolution begins with a decisive rejection of Cartesian dualism. Descartes had divided reality into two substances: res cogitans (thinking substance) and res extensa (extended substance). This dualism preserved the theological worldview of the seventeenth century: an immaterial soul, a transcendent God, and a universe governed by divine will.

Spinoza demolished this architecture. There is only one substance, infinite and self‑caused, which he calls God or Nature (Deus sive Natura). Thought and extension are not two substances but two attributes of the same underlying reality. As he writes in the Ethics, “the order and connection of ideas is the same as the order and connection of things.”⁴

This is the foundation of philosophical materialism. There is no supernatural realm, no divine providence, no miracles, no immortal soul. Human beings are modes of nature, governed by the same laws as everything else. Spinoza’s critics were correct to call him an atheist. Nadler argues persuasively that Spinoza’s “God” is not a being but a conceptual placeholder for the totality of nature.⁵

Spinoza’s monism dissolves the mind‑body problem centuries before it became the central obsession of analytic philosophy. If thought and extension are two aspects of one substance, there is no need to explain how an immaterial mind interacts with a material body. The problem is a product of dualist metaphysics, not a feature of reality.

Consciousness and the Body: Nadler’s Contribution

Nadler’s most significant philosophical contribution concerns Spinoza’s theory of consciousness. Many commentators have located consciousness in Spinoza’s doctrine of “ideas of ideas” — the notion that every idea has a second‑order idea that represents it. But Nadler argues that this cannot explain degrees of consciousness, since the doctrine applies uniformly to all ideas.

Instead, Nadler highlights Spinoza’s remarks linking consciousness to bodily complexity. In the scholium to Ethics IIp13, Spinoza writes:

“In proportion as a body is more capable than others of doing many things at once… so its mind is more capable than others of perceiving many things at once.”⁶

This is the basis of what Nadler calls “explanatory materialism”: consciousness is not caused by the body but is the mental expression of the body’s organisation. Degrees of consciousness correspond to degrees of bodily complexity. This anticipates modern embodied cognition and dissolves the Cartesian “hard problem” centuries before Chalmers formulated it.

From a Marxist standpoint, this is crucial. Spinoza provides the monistic foundation; Marx adds the historical and social dimension. Human consciousness is not only the correlate of a complex body — it is the correlate of a body transformed by labour, tool‑use, and social practice. Marx’s dictum in The German Ideology — “consciousness can never be anything else than conscious being” — completes what Spinoza began.⁷

Politics: Equality, Democracy, and the Attack on Ideology

Spinoza’s philosophical radicalism was inseparable from his political radicalism. Jonathan Israel has shown that Spinoza was the first major modern thinker to embrace democratic republicanism as the most rational form of political organisation.⁸ If all humans are modes of the same substance, governed by the same natural laws, then no divine hierarchy can justify monarchy, aristocracy, or clerical authority.

Freedom, for Spinoza, is not free will but the understanding of necessity — the rational comprehension of the causes that determine us. This is why superstition, religious authority, and political tyranny are intertwined: they depend on ignorance of causes. Spinoza’s Theological‑Political Treatise is one of the earliest and most powerful arguments for secularism, freedom of thought, and the separation of philosophy from theology.

It is no accident that Spinoza’s revival in the 1780s preceded the French Revolution. As Ann Talbot notes, Spinoza was “as responsible as any one person could be for the revolution in consciousness” that made the Enlightenment possible.⁹

Spinoza and Marxism: A Line of Descent

The connection between Spinoza and Marx is not a retrospective imposition. It runs through the French materialists — La Mettrie, Diderot, d’Holbach — and into the dialectical transformation of materialism achieved by Marx and Engels.

Plekhanov put it plainly: “present‑day materialism is a Spinozism that has become more or less aware of itself.”¹⁰ When he asked Engels in 1889 whether Spinoza was right that thought and extension are attributes of one substance, Engels replied: “Of course. Old Spinoza was quite right.”¹¹

Spinoza provided the monistic ontology; Marx provided the historical, social, and dialectical method. Spinoza dissolved dualism; Marx dissolved idealism. Spinoza grounded human equality in nature; Marx grounded it in social relations and class struggle.

Spinoza vs. Roger Scruton: Materialism Against Conservative Idealism

The contrast between Spinoza and Roger Scruton reveals the political stakes of philosophy. Scruton admired Spinoza’s logical rigour but sought to neutralise him — to turn Spinoza into a source of aesthetic consolation rather than a revolutionary materialist. Scruton’s conservatism, rooted in tradition, hierarchy, and the “sacred,” is the ideological antithesis of Spinoza’s rationalism.¹²

Where Spinoza insists that social reality can be understood and transformed, Scruton insists it must be accepted. Where Spinoza undermines religious authority, Scruton defends it as a source of social cohesion. Where Spinoza’s monism points toward equality, Scruton’s idealism defends hierarchy. This is not a difference of temperament; it is a difference of class position.

Why Spinoza Matters Now

The renewed interest in Spinoza — from Nadler’s scholarship to the embodied‑mind movement to the revival of radical Enlightenment studies — reflects a deeper crisis. Postmodernism, with its rejection of reason and truth, has exhausted itself. Bourgeois philosophy, trapped between scientistic reductionism and irrationalist relativism, finds itself returning to the materialist tradition it once abandoned.

Spinoza offers a way out: a rational, naturalistic, egalitarian worldview that rejects superstition and hierarchy. But only Marxism can complete what Spinoza began — by grounding consciousness, politics, and freedom in the material conditions of social life. Spinoza was a revolutionary in the age of the Dutch Republic. His ideas remain revolutionary in the age of global capitalism.

Notes

  1. Ann Talbot, “Spinoza Reconsidered,” World Socialist Web Site, 2001.
  2. Steven Nadler, Spinoza: A Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 73–75.
  3. Ibid.
  4. Baruch Spinoza, Ethics, IIp7.
  5. Steven Nadler, “Was Spinoza an Atheist?”, Journal of the History of Philosophy 45, no. 2 (2007).
  6. Spinoza, Ethics, IIp13s.
  7. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology (1846).
  8. Jonathan Israel, Radical Enlightenment (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
  9. Ann Talbot, “Spinoza Revisited,” World Socialist Web Site.
  10. G. V. Plekhanov, Fundamental Problems of Marxism (1908).
  11. Ibid., correspondence with Engels.
  12. Roger Scruton, Spinoza (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986).

Bibliography

Israel, Jonathan. Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650–1750. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001.

Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. The German Ideology. 1846.

Nadler, Steven. Spinoza: A Life. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

 “Was Spinoza an Atheist?” Journal of the History of Philosophy 45, no. 2 (2007).

Plekhanov, G. V. Fundamental Problems of Marxism. 1908.

Scruton, Roger. Spinoza. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986.

Spinoza, Baruch. Ethics. 1677.

Talbot, Ann. “Spinoza Reconsidered.” World Socialist Web Site, 2001.